Six key thematic areas of health and well-being were identified from interviews: spiritual dimensions, socio-cultural dimensions, place, access to culturally responsive services, economic and material dimensions and political dimensions. These key areas will be discussed further throughout this section, contextualizing their meaning and providing examples of young Pasifika voices. The young people interviewed were an almost equal mix of male and female (N = 16 and 15 respectively), ranged in age from 17 to 24 years of age (17–19 = 11, 20–22 = 13, 23–26 = 7), and most identified being Samoan (N = 20) other participants from Tonga, Maori, Fiji, Cook islands, Kirabati, Tuva, Nuie and Tokelau with several associating with more than one ethnicity. They spanned a range of socio-economic experiences, either in school, graduates, drop-outs, university cultural committee members and church group affiliates. In total, 15 of the participants were born in New Zealand, 12 in Australia and the remainder from one of the Pacific Island State named above. Analysis of the data demonstrated participants took a holistic view of health, with spiritual, cultural, social, economic and political processes intersecting in often contradictory ways to influence health and give meaning to Pasifika young people’s lives. These different but shared aspects of well-being provided a way of weaving together the different layers of health and well-being for young Pasifika peoples in Australia. The following section discusses the observations of 30 peer researcher interviews with Pasifika youth.
Spiritual dimensions of health and well-being
Spirituality and a personal relationship with the Christian God was seen as central to well-being. The importance of spirituality was also linked to relationships and place. Participants explained how the church was “a big part of who I am” and a place where they could access social connections, social support and meet their religious and cultural needs as well as develop leadership skills. Participants discussed how interwoven religion and spirituality were with their culture and their lived experiences associated with their identity as a Pasifika person; that churches were a way of participating in and maintaining cultural heritage and an important aspect of social capital. According to one participant:
“It’s a certain type of church commitment and this is the world. This is our world. This is of what is most value to us. Even with health, health is in the back. It’s more about your spiritual health; that’s more important.” (PR1_005)
Another female participant explained how she and her brother moved to Logan because:
“God called us over to help serve Every Nation Brisbane at the time, and we knew that there was a need. Also, there was a calling to be able to stay there. We took the risk and obeyed God to be able to move over.” (ST_001)
Another person described how when she was considering suicide her faith stopped her:
“I went through a massive phase of suicide, and it was like ... pretty much the only reason I never fell through with it is because I wanted to see Dad again. And from my understanding of the Bible, and all the miracles that God had done through my journey that I knew for sure it wasn't some kind of hopes thing, it wasn't some kind of fairy tale. It was legit, there is a God out there who loves and cares. And then my understanding of His word, and I wanted to make sure that I saw my dad in the end, and so that's why I never ended it myself. I just need to wait until it's His time”
Most participants belonged to Christian-based religions and attended either multicultural churches or churches with a specific Pasifika identity. Church and religion functioned for many of the participants as a source of social support and meaning, reinforcing values that emphasize service and civic responsibility, with several acting as youth leaders within the church. The notion of social reciprocity and “giving back” or “serving” emerged with particular clarity in interviews. It is important to note, however, of several participants mention their parents’ accepted practices of giving monetary contributions to the church could often create financial stress. The financial stress arose when young people themselves are required by familial obligation to donate a piece of their own finances, mainly from part-time jobs. In this way, many participants stated that whatever small personal income they do collect from part-time work or other avenues, is often not their own. Coupled with full-time schooling, this can create overwhelming stress for young people as they are unable to save their own money for future pursuits and they house a fear of disappointing family if they reject giving.
Socio-cultural dimensions of health and well-being
Participant interviews suggested that cultural engagement and Pasifika peoples’ cultural capital, such as language proficiency, acceptance by the Pasifika community, pride in identity and Pasifika values, were all important aspects having a sense of belonging. Young participants reflected their desire to participate in meaningful connections and reciprocity within the broader Pasifika community. Indeed, almost all of the young participants described themselves as being a Pasifika individual as well as belonging to their specific cultural group (e.g. Māori, Samoan, Tongan, Fijian). Many also described how this ethnic identity was central to who they were and to their health and well-being noted when one participant described that, “I just like the culturalness of being Māori. .. I just enjoy it. I enjoy it” (MI_01). Another person reflected on the unique strengths of Pasifika peoples and their forebears which provided strength and inspiration for facing current challenges:
“. . . our ancestors navigated the seas without any maps. They used their instincts. They used the stars. They used the surroundings, but it was the internal spirit of them to pioneer and to relentlessly, fearlessly, courageously go forward for our people.” (PR1_005)
One young person was proud to be Samoan because it was how god created her:
“I'm proud to be who I am, because I believe that's who God created me to be, a Samoan” (PR2_ 004)
A young female participant explained:
“ … when people ask me where I'm from, I like immediately I say I'm from Samoa – Just because that's my blood. But then people are like, “No, you were born here, you're Australian.” So, I usually kind of identify myself as a Samoan who was born here.” (PR3_002)
While many participants identified with one or more ethnic groups, as one person said, “I’m Tuvaluan/Fijian” and another “white/Maori”, while another said she was “Um, an Islander. I ... well, I’m Norwayan, Cook Island, Maori” they tended to mix in groups with people of different backgrounds, with one person friendship groups were:
“Samoans, Tongans, Tokelauans and some were from New Zealand. Some of my friends were from New Zealand” (PR3_003)
While a normative and positive way of defining themselves, this also creates potential conflicts in regard to their identity as young Pasifika and the traditional ways of their family as they negotiate their place in Australia. Participants talked about shedding their Pasifika identity in some contexts or being “A Poly with Polys and an Aussie with Aussies”. As one second generation Pasifika participant explained:
“So, ways of being and ways of doing things at home is still more close to the culture. And yet, a majority of my time is spent in school in a different world again. But if it comes close to home, it’s the culture. But there is that mix of here in the education system or in mainstream system, where it’s a whole different philosophy or ways of thinking and being. But for us, that connection is, because we draw from what is really close down, because, I guess, that’s closer to our very existence is the cultural elements. So, even though we come in to the space, we still look different, we feel different and we are different, in a sense. There is always that battle.” (PR1_005)
While relationships with parents, family and the wider Pasifika community was particularly important for young people, they often also described feeling silenced by their elders. Young people also recognized that their families wanted them to do well but did not always know how to support them as they navigated different worldviews.
The notion of stigma recurred in several participant interviews due to being of Pasifika descent and the ‘othering’ stereotypes of Pasifika peoples that stigmatized them, implicitly or explicitly. Participants talked for example, about being stereotyped as low socio-economic and educational status, school dropouts, in trouble with the police, and street kids. One young person explained:
“I'll be walking through a shopping centre and an old lady ... I can see someone just grab their handbag, and they're like frightened and think I'm about to do something. I feel like I'm stereotyped to be the bad criminal. They don't know my story. They don't know who I am, and we're not all like that.” (PR2_004)
Another negative side of culture several participants spoke about was the amount of respect given to elders which often silenced young people’s voices:
You need to speak directly to the kids in regard to, “Okay, kids, what do youth want?” It's not so much what we want in terms of the older generation. Just remember that the young person is going to be taking up their lane. Yeah, it's all about raising up leaders, raising up ...(PR4_002)
Place and health and well-being
Many of the young people interviewed expressed a strong sense of attachment to Logan, describing it as a safe place, a place where they feel at home, rich in cultural diversity, where it was fun to socialize due to the presence of friends and relatives, as noted in a participant’s commentary:
“I love living in Logan City, there's a lot of, a lot of Polynesians definitely in this location, but there's also different residents with different backgrounds, different cultures, which is really amazing.” (PR2_003)
One of the older participants and the mother of four young children, who identified herself as Samoan, explained how, compared to where she lived before, she loved in Logan because she was able to “hang out” with other mothers, couples, and other parents of a similar age:
“But here in Logan, since we've been here, with family and with the church, our children have been more exposed to my culture more. So, that's what I love about the community. It's very accessible for the kids.” (PR2_005)
This facilitated a strong sense of community as well as the construction of a positive self and ethnic image and the pride that comes with belonging. Several also reported membership of a local community group or club and many mentioned being part of a sports team and having lots of opportunities within the neighbourhood to play sport and exercise. Participants also mentioned the importance of learning about language, heritage and culture in developing a sense of identity. Access to schools, churches, dance groups, fast-food outlets and the library were also frequently mentioned services that participants valued.
While many participants expressed strong attachment and bonds to Logan, participants also said they often felt marked by a “blemish of place”. This was expressed as the result of negative stereotypes and pejorative media representations of Logan in which Logan is constructed as unsafe, with high unemployment, substance abuse, delinquency, and poor health due to bad lifestyle choices. As one person explained:
“. . .the media has painted a picture and portrayed Logan to be the unsafe place, the ghetto in the sense of they see the crime rate and all this kind of stuff, but for me, myself, being an Islander and been living in Logan for so many years, I'm actually proud to say that I'm from Logan, because I feel I'm at home.” (PR2_004)
A female participant aged 23 who identified as Samoan and had lived in Logan all her life, explained that while Logan was often seen by outsiders as a poor place and potentially unsafe it for her it was a place where she felt safe:
“I guess a lot of people like to look at it that way like as the poor area. It's actually an area where I would say, would be safe area for most Polynesians. You've got your people who don't work and stuff like that. Also, with that as well, in this specific area in where we are right now, you've got the train station where the people who don't work, the people who like to come out during the day, and just bum around. Yeah, I guess a lot of people like to look at it that way like as the poor area. It's actually an area where I would say, would be safe area for most Polynesians.” (PR4_001)
When asked if she would ever consider moving from Logan she responded:
“Even if I was rich, I would never leave. Logan's always been home. It's just like if I was to live in I don't know, New Zealand. New Zealand will always be home, but Australia is always home, and Logan is always home” (PR4_001)
Several people talked about how this negative serotyping impacted on them when they went outside of Logan, or how on leaving Logan “you sort of have to shed your Logan skin”. While this developed an attachment to Logan, it also potentially inhibited wider geographical and social engagement. Those who were able to go to university on the other hand, were able to access a wider and more diverse set of social relationships. One female participant described the reaction of university peers on what she had accomplished in terms of education, when she said she came from Logan. Another explained:
“. . .sometimes when I tell them I'm from Logan, they make fun. Like, you know, people say Logan Bogan.” (PR3_003)
The above quote helps to highlight the specific expectations or stereotypes associated with coming from Logan and the perceived differences between we (i.e. the people who study at a perceived high-status university) and the kind of people [they are] who come from Logan.
Another explained how she did not usually reveal her address at university or invite university friends to visit her. In this way, some participants who were at university used strategies of stigma avoidance by attempting to distance themselves from Logan due to the expectation of being rejected for their ties to Logan itself. Others also noted that since being in university, they did not engage in much socializing with people from Logan, with university providing opportunities to explore beyond their home territory and extended their social networks. Despite experiencing stigma related to place, few expressed the desire to move out of Logan, expressing solidarity and strong ties to Logan. In this way, while many of the participants identify strongly with their Pasifika identity and culture, they also distanced themselves from it in some settings.
Access to culturally responsive services
The need for access to culturally responsive services was mentioned both by community stakeholders and young people, with several noting people often did not use available services because they did not meet their cultural or spiritual needs. Regarding primary and secondary education in Queensland, children of Pasifika descent are entitled to attend primary and secondary school.
Participants expressed a mixture of reactions to their overall school experiences, ranging from “loved it” to “a bit tough.” Given participants rarely talked about learning or school related activities, their experiences were more often shaped by how they were treated at school. Similarly, one young person explained the importance of developing meaningful relationships based on an understanding of the young person’s worldview and ways of being:
“Like teachers, they say, ‘Oh, there’s not enough teachers, and well, we just have to train the teachers,’ and it’s not about having more Pasifika teachers, but mainstream teachers understanding and being able to build the relationships . . . [the] underlying value would be just the curiosity about who we are and not bringing the knowledge that they get from their academy and imposing it – asking questions about our ways of thinking and our ways of being – because otherwise it’s just one way . . . Okay, so I say, ‘How can I work in with what you know and how you see the world?’ and often that’s why – because it’s like you’re sitting there thinking oh, okay, fix me. You think you’re going to fix me? . . . And so, it’s not – and a lot of us are good at playing that game; it’s like that. . . like, okay, yeah, yeah, and then go away and . . . yeah, there’s no change.” (KI_001)
One female participant who was in her last year of high school noted that for some who found school really hard and could not engage with the teachers often dropped out, with negative consequences including drug abuse:
“So, recently, past few years I've noticed that my friends, they're also Pacific Islanders, that they've dropped out of school and they've become your ordinary city bums. So, city bums, what they do is they roam around Logan, they roam around the city and they're taking drugs, alcohol, stuff that mess up with your head. And they're all like 14, 15” (TT_003)
Few services were reported to be available for these young people apart from some services provided by the church but often the church fund it hard to engage with these people with many reported to end up being engaged in the juvenile justice system, where again they found limited cultural support.
In different ways, the lack of cultural concordance between young Pasifika peoples and mainstream services can lead to their feeling misunderstood, and that existing services do not meet their needs. On the other hand, more culturally respectful services could achieve good results. One participant for example noted how an education program for teenage mothers enabled one young mother she knew to complete her education and subsequently go on to complete an undergraduate degree at university. Several participants also mentioned a teacher at school who while not of Pasifika descent, was able to demonstrate understanding and empathy. Another young female participant of 18 years old who was not doing well at school explained how she went to a multi-cultural service after school to get additional help.
Poor mental health and lack of services was brought up in several interviews often linked to the elder’s views of mental health and the church. As one 18-year-old explained:
“that's one thing that's real hard on a lot of Polynesian kids that there's no understanding from their parents ... It's something that I feel like they don't believe in it. To try to explain it. That's the one thing … I think from their upbringing, it never really existed, so they think that we shouldn't believe in it too. If you believe in God as well, then that {poor mental health] shouldn't be existing in your life as well. Which makes it quite hard and it gives them a reason to keep sweeping it away. I know that a Pacific Islander [we're one of the highest rates of suicide]” (PR5_001)
Nevertheless, there were some classes that were offered free and usually provided by local cultural associations and several people thought there should be more of these, especially as some people were disengaging from their cultural heritage:
“It's called Language, new language learning your own heritage and cultural backgrounds, and that's a class that I'm taking which is a Samoan language class, that happens once a week and it's for free, so they have different ranges of groups, so beginners, intermediate and advanced, and that's something that should be emphasised is the cultural and learning our language. The generation now, we're lacking in our own language, in our cultural language, and also actually in the knowledge of our heritage and where we're coming from, and so these classes are very ... if we had more of them, and free. Everything to do with that –” (PR6_003)
This participant also felt connecting to her identity would also improve her mental health and, while she identified as Pasifika she also wanted to represent herself as a Tongan-Samoan woman, yet, felt she could not do this as she had no knowledge of the language or cultural. As with many other participants, she felt incorporating aspects of culture into the school curriculum would be a positive thing.
Economic and material dimensions of health and well-being
As well as exposure to social and cultural resources, young people need access to material and economic resources. Priority concerns included higher education, employment and ability to pay bills, as well as affordable access to appropriate goods and services, such as nutritious food. Access to safe housing was also identified as an issue with one homeless person explaining that he lived in an abandoned house with four other people and a few others dropping in and out.
In talking about young parents, one young person explained how:
“It's difficult to access good foods, healthy food, they just can't afford it because they're trying to pay the bills, so because of that they don't eat well; lots of difficulties with healthy eating, they don't have multivitamins, but a lot of those things they don’t access. I have a lot that have to see the psychologist because they just have so much anxiety; it's just from stress, and depression from stress. . . So they just need help with how can I get this and feed my family cheaply.” (KI_003)
Added financial pressure included expectations to provide for family members back in their home country, for the church, as well as supporting one’s family in Logan. One female participant of 18 years old explained how like many other people she knew financial issues were critical:
“Being the middle child, after me it's basically the little kids. So, my role in the family, I work and I pay for their transport to school. I pay for their school fees. The older kids, they pay for rent, they pay for our savings and stuff like that. So, with our family, it's definitely financial.” (PR5_005)
She also went on to explain that she had been bullied at school and experienced anxiety and depression but using services made her more anxious because f the additional financial strain in her family.
A Tongan-Samoan participant aged 22 years old explained how young Pasifika often drove without a driving license because:
“As we know, I don't know the percentage, but there's a lot of Polynesians who are driving who don't have a learner's licence, or who are driving on a learners’ licence. That's due to the fact that they probably cannot afford it at the time, or don't have jobs, or their parents just financially not stable at the moment. And so they find other ways to drive.” (P6_003)
Some people also noted that unemployment was prevalent across the youth population and that job seekers services that would work with them not only on identifying their skills and potential work opportunities, but also developing a sense of comradeship, group motivation and support, would be beneficial for young Pasifika.
Political dimensions of health and well-being
The political dimensions of health and well-being identified by participants related to access to permanent residency and citizenship, as well as the formal rights associated with this, including access to services such as health care, education, social protection and labour markets. Several participants reported concern around the role of institutional stigma for those holding SCVs (a temporary visa) and not Australian citizenship or permanent residency. For many, the conditions of the SCV made the costs of higher education unaffordable, limiting aspirations and opportunities to work upper labour-market segments.
“It's hard after school. You study in Australia, and then you have all these things of university. . .but study stops you because you can't afford it. So, you need to work, and by the time you start working, your life is all about that, all about money, you forget, you get stuck in that. And studying just becomes nothing because you're growing in age, and everything just turns around.” (KI_003)
As another participant explained he also had to look after his family as his older brother was in gaol and unable to get financial help to for higher study, he explained how for him and some of his friends:
“It's basically if rugby doesn't work out for them then they're going straight to the factory. Their old man knows someone, or their old man's working in the factory so their old man's gonna get them a job there. They don't really go out there and want to be bigger than that.” (PR6_001)
Being a permanent resident but not able to access social protection services available to other permanent residents, was a common theme as one young single mother explained. While she got some child support, she was not able to access the dole, and she pointed out how this political discrimination also contributed to crimes:
“Having multiple kids, having huge families and the government doesn't help us with that. They let us suffer. And then they wonder why so many kids go out and steal and as much as I hate to say it, it's a lot of Islanders that go out and they – they fight for food. And they become very violent and they become fairly I guess depressed and brought up. They do a lot of bad things to get money, to get food. They steal.” (TT_002)
Several of the young people in this study noted how aspirations within young people were constrained by their lack of access to resources:
“Even going back to Uni, the whole goal of Pacific Islanders, I feel, is to better themselves but they can't better themselves in the education system because there's not much help going out for the New Zealand citizens.” (PR4_004)
In this way, despite many Pasifika peoples paying taxes, government policy reinforces an “insider-outsider” distinction, imposing specific constraints on their choices and positions in socioeconomic and power hierarchies. For young Pasifika born in New Zealand, this form of discrimination and disparities in the social determinants of health and health outcomes is systematic rather than accidental.
Furthermore, accurate data on Pasifika health and participation in higher education and labour markets is scant with many often documented as New Zealanders. This renders people invisible in datasets and reports and is a form of institutionalized discrimination. Government policies also and leave them disenfranchised from higher education and employment opportunities this would bring, limiting their aspirations and field of influence.